Archive: December 31, 2023

Time to test a ship-based hypersonic missile launcher

Flight tests using a ship-based hypersonic missile launcher will start in 2024, according to Lockheed Martin.

The Navy aims to field hypersonic weapons aboard the destroyer Zumwalt in 2025, and the ship is currently undergoing a modernization period to install the Navy’s Conventional Prompt Strike hypersonic missile system, among other updates. American Shipbuilder HII is outfitting the destroyer with the weapon system in Pascagoula, Mississippi.

“The upgrades will ensure Zumwalt remains one of the most technologically advanced and lethal ships in the U.S. Navy,” Cmdr. Arlo Abrahamson, a spokesperson for the Naval Surface Force, told Navy Times in a statement in August.

USS Zumwalt to receive hypersonic missile upgrades at HII

Lockheed Martin, which is developing the launcher, the weapon control system and other pieces of the missile, announced in February that flight tests would commence in 2024.

New in 2024: Air Force plans autonomous flight tests for drone wingmen

WASHINGTON — The U.S. Air Force’s plan to create a fleet of drone wingmen to fly alongside piloted fighter jets will accelerate in 2024, as the service ramps up its experimentation with autonomous flight.

These drones, which the Air Force calls collaborative combat aircraft, are intended to fly alongside F-35s and the future Next Generation Air Dominance platform. The service wants them to be able to perform a variety of missions, including striking enemy targets, conducting surveillance, jamming enemy signals, or even acting as decoys.

The Air Force has been using a ballpark figure of 1,000 CCAs for planning, but Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall in November said the fleet will likely end up being larger than that.

But before fielding the drones, the Air Force needs to do more research on how autonomous flight will work, and how it can be folded into the day-to-day operations of units.

The service’s proposed 2024 budget calls for almost $50 million to test autonomous software on F-16 fighters under a program called Project VENOM. Another $69 million would be used to launch an experimental operations unit team, which would start developing tactics and procedures to incorporate CCAs into a squadron.

Project VENOM, which stands for “Viper Experimentation and Next-generation Operations Model,” would load autonomous code into six F-16s. Those fighters would be flown by humans from takeoff to an in-air experimentation zone, where the self-flying software would take over. The Air Force hopes these experiments will show whether autonomous flight, as envisioned by the CCA concept, can bring the intended benefits.

The Air Force wants to collect in-flight data from the Project Venom tests about how pilots and machines work together, and use that information to create more refined autonomous software.

The experimental operations unit would also help the Air Force figure out how CCAs might help with missions, and how squadrons would train to use them. This is intended to cut down on the risks that might come from teaming autonomous drones up with crewed aircraft.

Speaking at the Washington-based Center for a New American Security think tank, Kendall said the Air Force is using Boeing MQ-28 Ghost Bats as experimental aircraft to team them up with crewed aircraft and get airmen operational experience.

The service also wants CCAs to be cheap enough that they could be “attritable,” meaning the service could afford to lose some in combat. According to Kendall, CCAs will probably be roughly one-quarter to one-third of the cost of an F-35, suggesting they could run $20 million to $27 million.

Defense firms have already pitched several different concepts for CCAs, and the acquisition will take several years. The Air Force hopes to have the first “increment” of CCAs in production later this decade, and fielded “in reasonable quantities” soon after, Kendall said.

New in 2024: F-35 program eyes key upgrade, delivery restart

WASHINGTON — For months, newly built F-35 Joint Strike Fighters have languished at Lockheed Martin’s facility in Fort Worth, Texas, awaiting the completion of a key upgrade that has stalled deliveries.

In 2024, the Pentagon and Lockheed hope that overdue modernization dubbed Technology Refresh 3, or TR-3, will be finished, allowing the government to accept these latest F-35s.

The jet’s TR-3 improvements include better displays, computer memory and processing power. They will lay the foundation for a more extensive upgrade, called Block 4, that will bring greater weapons capacity as well as improved electronic warfare and target recognition capabilities.

But persistent software troubles, including problems integrating it into the new TR-3 hardware, has stalled its completion. Originally, TR-3 upgrades were supposed to be ready in April 2023, but that deadline has repeatedly slipped and is now expected sometime between April and June 2024.

New F-35s equipped with TR-3 hardware started rolling off Lockheed’s production line in late July, but the government refused to accept their deliveries since they could not fly during the necessary acceptance flights. Since then, Lockheed Martin has stored an undisclosed number of F-35s at Fort Worth.

The Pentagon’s F-35 Joint Program Office in November said it is looking for a way to resume acceptance flights for the new fighters and deliveries before TR-3 is completely finished. That could involve a strategy of loading early, but incomplete, versions of the TR-3 software into new F-35s. The interim software would probably need upgrades down the road to get the rest of its capabilities, the Joint Program Office said.

In mid-November, a handful of production F-35s with interim TR-3 software flew for the first time at Fort Worth, Lockheed confirmed.

Top Air Force officials said at the Defense News Conference in September that the stalled deliveries could mean some units — which are in the process of transitioning from other aircraft — have to wait longer for promised F-35s.

That could have a cascading effect that hurts the Air Force’s ability to manage its forces worldwide, Air Combat Command head Gen. Mark Kelly said at the conference.

“When a unit converts to a new airplane, usually by the time they get their last airplane, the clock starts and they need to be ready to go a year or so later,” Kelly said in September. “That will delay and will impact … global force management.”

The Pentagon early in 2024 is also expected make a decision — itself years behind schedule — that formally moves the F-35 to full-rate production. However, since Lockheed is already building the fighter at almost full capacity, this milestone C decision will likely have a minimal effect on production.

The F-35 program in September finished a series of tests in the Joint Simulation Environment to collect data needed for the Pentagon to make that decision. The JSE tests put all three versions of the aircraft through several scenarios — including cruise missile defense, air interdiction, counter-air, and destruction of enemy air defense trials — designed to emulate what the fighter would likely encounter in combat.

And in early 2024, Pratt & Whitney is expected to receive the first in a series of sole-source contracts to upgrade the F-35′s existing F135 engines under the Engine Core Upgrade program. The engine upgrades are intended to give the F-35 more power and cooling ability so it can handle the needs of its Block 4 modernization.

Pratt said deliveries for the program are expected to start in early 2029, although that schedule could be pushed up to late 2028.

Even more US-Australia submarine collaboration on the horizon

The U.S. and Australian navies will see their submarine-specific partnerships grow in multiple ways throughout 2024.

The Navy plans to conduct its first-ever submarine maintenance work in Australia this summer using the sub tender Emory S. Land, with 30 Australian sailors embarked to learn how to repair the Virginia class of submarine.

This step will help establish a nuclear-powered attack submarine maintenance capability at the HMAS Stirling naval base in Western Australia in the next few years as part of the trilateral AUKUS arrangement.

U.S. Navy Undersecretary Erik Raven said in 2023 that the service has already taken a number of steps since the March announcement of the AUKUS “optimal pathway,” which lays out three phases: U.S. and U.K. submarines operating out of Stirling; Australia buying and operating new and used Virginia-class submarines from the U.S.; and Australia building and operating its own SSN-AUKUS submarine.

Raven said Australian officers, sailors and government civilians are already in the nuclear training pipeline with the U.S. Navy and are learning attack sub maintenance procedures in Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, and at Barrow-in-Furness, England.

Also in 2024, Raven said the first Australian sailors will be assigned to serve on U.S. submarines, and Australian maintainers will begin performing maintenance at the Pearl Harbor Naval Shipyard as part of their training.

Additionally, the navies will begin buying training systems and simulators that will go to Stirling.

To support those plans, Raven urged lawmakers, some of whom were in the audience, to pass as soon as possible four legislative proposals the Navy sent to Congress.

“Current law limits our ability to undertake the next steps of this program,” he said. “Specifically, absent relief, we cannot receive the funds that Australia has committed to invest in the U.S. submarine industrial base; train Australian workers in construction and maintenance for the nuclear submarine industry; sell a Virginia-class submarine to Australia; or modernize our export control systems to execute this ambitious program.”

New in 2024: With first B-21 flight done, Northrop eyes next contract

WASHINGTON — The B-21 Raider took to the air for the first time in November, nearly a year after its public debut in California. In 2024, the U.S. Air Force’s next stealth bomber could take even greater steps.

The first Raider, which was unveiled in a highly publicized ceremony in December 2022, flew to Edwards Air Force Base on Nov. 10. It is now undergoing flight testing, which also includes ground tests and taxiing. The Air Force Test Center and the 412th Test Wing’s B-21 Combined Test Force are managing the bomber’s testing program, the service said.

The Air Force has confirmed at least six B-21s are in various stages of construction by Northrop Grumman or are undergoing tests. The program is now in the engineering and manufacturing development phase, the service said in November, and Ellsworth Air Force Base in South Dakota is expected to receive its first Raider in the mid-2020s.

The service plans to buy at least 100 B-21s, an advanced stealth bomber, to replace the aging B-1B Lancer and B-2 Spirit bombers. It will provide the service with new abilities to conduct penetrating deep-strike missions, and the aircraft will be able to carry both conventional and nuclear weapons.

Northrop Grumman said throughout 2023 that it expected a contract by the end of the year for the first of five low-rate initial production lots on the B-21. That contract was not issued by press time, but once in place, it will pave the way for the production process to move forward.

Inflation, labor problems and lingering supply chain issues are complicating the B-21 production process and raising cost estimates for low-rate initial production, Northrop officials said in earnings calls during 2023. And the company said it’s not expecting to turn any profit on the B-21 at first, perhaps losing up to $1.2 billion.

The B-21 formal training unit will also be based at Ellsworth. Whiteman Air Force Base in Missouri and Dyess Air Force Base in Texas will later receive their own bombers as they become available. Maintenance and sustainment for the B-21 will be largely carried out at Tinker Air Force Base in Oklahoma.

US Space Force sends X-37B craft on another secretive mission

WASHINGTON — SpaceX’s Falcon Heavy launch vehicle successfully lifted the U.S. Space Force’s X-37B test platform to orbit, continuing the vehicle’s experimental and largely classified mission.

The Dec. 28 mission was the X-37B’s seventh launch. The Boeing-built spacecraft serves as a testbed for new technologies for both the Defense Department and NASA. Its first flight was in 2010.

“This was a very important mission and our teams worked shoulder-to-shoulder to ensure a successful launch,” Brig. Gen. Kristin Panzenhagen, commander of Space Launch Delta 45, said in a statement.

While details about the duration of its mission and most of the payloads X-37B is carrying are secret, one of its experiments is a NASA project called Seeds-2, testing how different seeds react to long-term exposure to radiation in space. The Space Force said in November the mission will also experiment with “future space domain awareness technologies.”

“These tests are integral in ensuring safe, stable, and secure operations in space for all users of the domain,” the service said.

The X-37B’s most recent mission, OTV-6, returned in November 2022. During that mission, the vehicle included a service module that allowed it to carry more experiments than previous iterations. Those included the Naval Research Laboratory’s Photovoltaic Radio-frequency Antenna Module experiment — which used solar power to create radio-frequency microwave energy — as well as two NASA projects similar to Seeds.

That mission also included FalconSat-8, a small satellite developed by the Air Force Academy.

Thursday’s mission was the second to fly on a SpaceX rocket and the first to lift off on the company’s Falcon Heavy vehicle. The United Launch Alliance’s Altas V rocket flew the first five missions, and the sixth was carried by SpaceX’s Falcon 9.

Army’s mixed reality device nears fielding with final testing in 2024

The Army’s effort to give individual soldiers an augmented reality device that aims to improve shooting, navigation and use soldier-built applications for a host of tasks hits final testing phases in 2024.

The Integrated Visual Augmentation System, or IVAS, is a helmet-mounted combined night vision/thermal augmented reality and situational awareness tool the service is funding to the tune of $22 billion.

The Army procured early versions, labeled IVAS 1.0 and 1.1, in late 2022 as the more ruggedized, field-worthy 1.2 version continued development. Officials confirmed to Army Times that they had procured funding for 5,000 sets of IVAS 1.0 in 2022, and another 5,000 sets of IVAS 1.1 in 2023.

Those 1.0 and 1.1 versions are slated for training units and schoolhouses for soldiers to tinker with and learn best applications for the new technology.

Microsoft, which based the IVAS on its HoloLens augmented reality device, delivered 20 prototypes of IVAS 1.2 in mid-2023.

Soldiers with the 1st Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division at Fort Drum, New York tested the 1.2 in live fires for weapons compatibility checks in mid-August.

Another 80 such devices are scheduled for delivery in 2024 and a further 200 are slated for 2025 with fielding planned the same year, Program Executive Office-Soldier officials told Army Times.

The early HoloLens-based version of IVAS emerged in March 2019.

As teams developed the device, it transitioned from a helmet/no-helmet headstrap goggle option with a chest-mounted controller and thick cabling.

The cabling proved cumbersome for soldiers in various field tests.

Early testing showed image distortion and moisture control problems, which delayed testing by about a year but have since been resolved with software and hardware fixes, officials said.

The 1.2 version now has a flip-up, helmet mount, like many currently fielded night vision devices.

Key features of the device include its ability to link wirelessly to an individual’s weapon sight, allowing for picture-in-picture view from both the weapon-mounted camera and the device’s heads-up display.

In demonstrations at Fort Belvoir, Virginia, home to PEO-Soldier, the Family of Weapons Sights-Individual software used for the weapon-IVAS combination, allowed for users to see through obscurants, such as fog or dust, using thermal vision. Shooters were also able to fire around obstacles by using the weapon camera, while the shooter remains under cover

Navigation and training applications allow for users to lay out 3D maps of terrain, follow compass points in the heads-up display and identify friendly and enemy locations. In tactical scenarios, the device can load a “sand table” or internal map of a shoot house.

It also records position information as users move in teams, allowing for immediate after action reviews following shooting training.

Soldiers can use the IVAS to fly microdrones to scout a nearby location and take imagery of a target to send to its tactical cloud package, that then renders a 3D map of the terrain.

The cloud package runs on a briefcase-sized device used at the small unit level.

The IVAS also connects to the existing Nett Warrior smartphone-based Tactical Assault Kit. That device allows users to share information and upload various applications.

One example includes laying out fields of fire for a machine gunner that could be preloaded onto the device for when that soldier reaches the fighting position, said Brig. Gen. Christohper Schneider, PEO-Soldier commander.

Developers could create an app that provides a nine-line report for medical evacuations or an augmented reality option for medics to perform field surgery at the direction of a doctor at another location, he said.

Venezuela to hold military drills off its shores amid border dispute

BOGOTA, Colombia — President Nicolás Maduro ordered Venezuela’s armed forces to conduct defensive exercises in the Eastern Caribbean after the United Kingdom sent a warship toward Guyana’s territorial waters. The move comes as the South American neighbors dispute a large border region.

In a nationally televised address Thursday, Maduro said 6,000 Venezuelan troops — including air and naval forces — will conduct joint operations off the nation’s eastern coast near the border with Guyana.

Maduro described the impending arrival of the British ship HMS Trent to Guyana’s shores as a threat to his country. He argued the ship’s deployment violates a recent agreement between the South American nations.

“We believe in diplomacy, in dialogue and in peace, but no one is going to threaten Venezuela,” Maduro said in a room where he was accompanied by a dozen military commanders. “This is an unacceptable threat to any sovereign country in Latin America.”

Venezuela and Guyana are involved in a border dispute over the Essequibo, a sparsely populated region the size of Florida with vast oil deposits off its shores.

The region has been under Guyana’s control for decades. But in December, Venezuela relaunched its historical claim to the Essequibo through a referendum in which it asked voters in the country whether the Essequibo should be turned into a Venezuelan state.

As tensions over the region escalated, the leaders of both countries met in the Caribbean island of St. Vincent and signed an agreement that said they would solve their dispute through nonviolent means.

During the talks, however, Guyanese President Irfaan Ali said his nation reserved its right to work with its partners to ensure the defense of his country.

On Thursday, Guyanese officials described the visit of HMS Trent as a planned activity aimed at improving the nation’s defense capabilities and said the ship’s visit will continue as scheduled.

“Nothing that we do or have done is threatening Venezuela,” Guyana’s vice president, Bharrat Jagdeo, told reporters in the capital Georgetown.

HMS Trent is a patrol and rescue ship that recently helped intercept drug traffickers off the West Coast of Africa. It can accommodate up to 30 sailors and a contingent of 18 marines. The vessel is equipped with 30mm cannons and a landing pad for helicopters and drones.

The ship had been sent to Barbados in early December to intercept drug traffickers, but its mission was changed Dec. 24 when it was sent to Guyana. Authorities did not specify when it was expected to arrive off Guyana’s shores.

The U.K. Defence Ministry said the ship will conduct joint operations with Guyana’s defense forces.

The nation of 800,000 people has a small military that is made up of 3,000 soldiers, 200 sailors and four small patrol boats known as Barracudas.

Venezuela says it was the victim of a land theft conspiracy in 1899, when Guyana was a British colony and arbitrators from Britain, Russia and the United States decided the boundary. The U.S. represented Venezuela in part because the Venezuelan government had broken off diplomatic relations with Britain.

Venezuelan officials contend Americans and Europeans colluded to cheat their country out of the land. They also argue that an agreement among Venezuela, Britain and the colony of British Guiana signed in 1966 to resolve the dispute effectively nullified the original arbitration.

Guyana maintains the initial accord is legal and binding, and asked the United Nations’ top court in 2018 to rule it as such, but a decision is years away. The century-old dispute was recently reignited with the discovery of oil in Guyana.

Whither arms restraint under Biden’s watch?

For a president who, within his first 20 days in office, announced an end to “all American support for offensive operations in the war in Yemen, including relevant arms sales,” his record of arms trade restraint is mixed at best. It now looks unlikely that efforts to more highly consider human rights and protection of civilians will be what marks Joe Biden’s presidency. Instead, his fourth year may cement a legacy of working to expand the transfer of U.S. arms, even in the face of misuse and opposition.

It feels much longer than three years ago that President Joe Biden on Feb. 4, 2021, gave a major foreign policy speech at the State Department, stressing a commitment to democracy and the aforementioned pledge on limiting support to Saudi Arabia. Later in that first year, he made the difficult decision to withdraw from Afghanistan in an apparent effort to extract the United States from what were being called endless wars. He also broke with his predecessor’s approach and committed the country to an international political declaration that sought to better protect civilians in populated areas from the harm caused by explosive weapons, adopted in November 2021.

In December 2021, he championed the creation of and hosted the Summit for Democracy in an effort to promote shared values for human rights — (and co-hosted again in 2023).

As early as 2021, his administration also hinted at a new conventional arms transfer policy. Released in February 2023, it includes a standard that, if implemented, would mean U.S. arms would not be provided to countries that are “more likely than not” to use them for a range of abuses, including “attacks intentionally directed against civilian objects or civilians protected as such; or other serious violations of international humanitarian or human rights law.”

All of the above, including additional Defense Department guidance announced this month furthering better civilian harm and response policies, indicates an administration seeking to restrain problematic weapons sales and militarized approaches.

Toward the end of 2021, however, it became clear Russia might invade Ukraine, and the Biden administration began an effort to arm Kyiv that has been central to his presidency. Just this week, the Defense Department announced another $250 million in new military assistance to Ukraine, marking the 54th drawdown from U.S. stocks and more than $44 billion in total U.S. military assistance since Russia’s Feb. 24, 2022, invasion.

While the U.S. media, the public and the global response to Ukraine’s warfighting has not been nearly as critical as they have of Israel’s in Gaza, Biden’s support for Ukraine has undermined initial efforts at restraint.

As the war has progressed, his administration has authorized the transfer of weapons it originally held back, whether that be tanks, more sophisticated and longer-range weapons, or F-16 fighter jets that are expected soon (with U.S. blessing). No decision was perhaps more problematic than the summer 2023 decision to provide cluster munitions, an indiscriminate weapon banned by more than 110 states parties to the Convention on Cluster Munitions, including the vast majority of America’s NATO allies.

F-16s are no magic bullets in Ukraine, but their armaments will matter

Whether current — primarily Republican — opposition to the president’s latest roughly $60 billion supplemental aid request for Ukraine is based on actual concern about U.S. weapons exports or instead a way to exact a political cost and change border policy, the fight for approval has also seen the president and his advisers more fully adopt language that makes future restraint more difficult: namely, the argument that defense production is good for the economy.

In his Oct. 19 address to the nation, Biden said that “patriotic American workers are building the arsenal of democracy” and listed states where weapons were produced. Since then, U.S. officials have more fully emphasized the economic benefit of weapons production. While the evidence suggests government expenditures in activities other than defense create many more jobs, a greater challenge with taking this approach is that it makes it harder in the future to promote restraint. Doing so requires addressing arguments about job losses, when arms trade decisions should truly be based on security and other concerns.

A partial indication of a ramped-up arms trade is that in 2022 and 2023, the Biden administration notified Congress of more than $188 billion in government-to-government foreign military sales, including more than $106 billion in 2023 alone — a dramatic increase compared to $36 billion in 2021. In part to resupply allies for their contributions to Ukraine or to move others off legacy Soviet or Russian systems, more than half of those potential sales are to NATO countries. Yet, included also are nearly $30 billion in arms and services to countries not invited to the 2021 or 2023 Summit for Democracy events — a failure to align democratic ideals with policy practice.

During the course of the war, the president has also walked back from the distance he tried to maintain with Saudi Arabia. He famously fist-bumped Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in July 2022, who still went on to work with Russia months later to keep oil prices high.

And until the Hamas attack on Oct. 7, 2023, the president’s team appeared to be promoting a grand bargain that would provide more weapons and defense guarantees to Saudi Arabia in an effort to expand the Abraham Accords to normalize Saudi-Israeli relations. While that deal may appear unlikely at this moment, it may reemerge in the coming months.

His administration has already notified Congress of more than $6 billion in arms and services to Saudi Arabia via the FMS process, including $1 billion in training buried by being announced the Friday before Christmas. Media are also reporting the administration is seriously considering the resumption of “offensive” weapon transfers that have thus far been withheld. New transfers or a grand new bargain with Saudi Arabia in 2024 could indicate just how little restraint the president puts on the arms trade to repressive countries that have shown no real progress in promoting human rights.

It is, however, support to Israel that is testing U.S. commitments to a more humane arms trade policy. Recognizing that Hamas’ attacks on Israeli citizens is odious and merits condemnation does not require approval of an Israeli response that has destroyed civilian infrastructure, cut off basic humanitarian supplies and by current reports resulted in more than 21,000 deaths. While the administration has publicly said it has concerns about Israel’s actions, suggesting it is being even more forthright behind closed doors, it has shielded or watered down important U.N. resolutions and not indicated a desire to condition or suspend military aid.

Given how Israel is conducting its assault on Gaza, it strains credulity to believe they are meeting the Biden administration’s “more likely than not” standard for not providing arms to partners who misuse them. A recent report in Israeli media that the U.S. has thus far not approved a request for Apache helicopters may indicate the Biden administration has limits to its support. While the administration has set a high standard for transparency in weapons provision to Ukraine, that is sorely lacking for Israel.

The initial days and weeks of 2024 — with ongoing decisions on support to Israel and Ukraine, and possible developments with Saudi Arabia — are critical ones for the Biden administration. They will be telling for assessing an administration that has put in place policies that should promote human rights and protection of civilians, but in practice has often failed to apply those policies.

Jeff Abramson is a senior nonresident fellow at the Center for International Policy. He also directs the Forum on the Arms Trade.

Marines to roll out improvements to live, simulated training in 2024

WASHINGTON — U.S. Marines training at home and abroad will see changes in 2024, as an ongoing effort to replace legacy simulators with state-of-the-art systems picks up speed.

Project Tripoli, which started in 2022 as part of the Force Design modernization initiative, aims to create a live-virtual-constructive training environment that Marines can leverage at large training bases and in remote locations.

Already the Marine Corps has married its training network with the Navy’s more robust version, shifting from large training facilities to laptops and adopting a joint set of training simulations. Marines on the ground will notice more changes in early 2024, Project Tripoli leaders told Defense News.

Improving live training

On the live side, the Corps is set to debut its Marine Corps Tactical Instrumentation System, or MCTIS, which has nearly completed government acceptance trials at Marine Corps Air Ground Combat Center Twentynine Palms, California.

Jim Brown, deputy director of the Range and Training Programs Division at the service’s Training and Education Command, said MCTIS will track every Marine, vehicle and weapon during a training event in the field, as well as their location, heath status and more. That data will be fed to a central location, creating a digital twin of what’s happening in the exercise.

Its ability to record every move and every shot — both live and simulated, and against real and simulated targets — will benefit both the Marines on the ground and the commanders back at headquarters, he said.

Brown said having a full view of the live, virtual and constructive actions during the event will allow commanders to see much more during their after-action reviews, leading to better lessons learned.

Col. Dane Salm, the director of the Range and Training Programs Division, said in the same interview that MCTIS would also “drastically change” the experience of Marines in the field. As they go through patrols, instructors in the field have always been able to pause the action if something is unsafe, to try to adjudicate who shot whom, and more. But now, Salm said, the instructors will be able to show a squad leader on a tablet what they had planned to do versus what they actually executed ­— giving real-time, visual cues as to what went wrong, while also allowing the squad to start over.

MCTIS will make its formal debut in February at the Marine Air-Ground Task Force’s Warfighting Exercise 2-24 at Twentynine Palms, Salm said.

More flexible virtual trainers

On the virtual side of the training portfolio, Salm said the Corps is in the midst of an extended user evaluation involving two options to replace the Supporting Arms Virtual Trainer, previously located at the Dome — a large building that was expensive to maintain and only existed at a few locations.

Instead, Marines will move to a Joint Virtual Fires Trainer, where Marines outfitted with goggles and hand-held wands will conduct virtual training scenarios run through an application on a gaming laptop.

The Marine Corps is putting two companies through the evaluation at Twentynine Palms; Marine Corps Air Station Yuma, Arizona; and Marine Corps bases Camp Lejeune in North Carolina and Camp Pendleton in California.

Salm said this effort will unshackle Marines from having to go to a certain building for training — meaning more Marines could train at once, train from remote posts or their barracks, and run more scenarios.

The new Joint Virtual Fires Trainer will “multiply the amount of individuals that we’re training and certifying as [joint terminal attack controllers] for the fleet,” Salm said.

Similarly, Joseph Lomangino, action officer for Project Tripoli, said in an interview the service had already discontinued use of its Combined Arms Command and Control Training Upgrade System, or CACCTUS, which similarly involved a lot of computers and server stacks in a large building.

“We determined we can achieve the same training and increase the density of that training across the Marine Corps by replacing the CACCTUS with the [Marine Common Virtual Platform],” he said, referring to a common laptop with open standards that could be used for a range of live, virtual and constructive training needs.

About 1,600 laptops for combined arms and close-air support training have replaced six CACCTUS locations across the Corps. The Marine Common Virtual Platform will replace those laptops once the service chooses the final hardware, Lomangino said.

That same laptop will also be used in the final Joint Virtual Fires Trainer, he added.

‘Something better’

This move to laptop-based training only works if they are connected to a robust network with realistic simulations and scenarios, Lomangino noted.

The Corps developed the Marine Training Enterprise Network and has since connected it to the Navy’s larger Navy Continuous Training Environment, itself available globally and around the clock.

Now, “instead of units having to pile into a center or fly to a center,” they can use laptops to conduct training anywhere ­­— and alongside anyone else in the virtual environment,“ Lomangino said. “You can have units in different, disparate locations train together in that environment.”

Brown said the simulations will also be better, as Marines are ditching the MAGTF Tactical Warfare Simulation that’s nearly four decades old and moving instead of the Joint Live Virtual Constructive Federation.

“[The MAGTF Tactical Warfare Simulation] was a great simulation. … It did everything, but it did it about an inch deep,” Brown said. “As we move into new training environments that are being dictated by new operational environments, we need something better.”

The Joint LVC Federation includes high-quality simulations that all the services and combatant commands will use. Salm said the exercise Steel Knight — a naval, joint and international training exercise that recently concluded at Camp Pendleton — leveraged the Navy Continuous Training Environment network and the Joint LVC Federation.

“Every exercise we see, either going on at Twentynine Palms or even in the Pacific, like Balikatan next year, we’re going to continue to build upon the last exercise and adding more and more and more aspects of [Project] Tripoli to it,” Salm added.

The current fiscal year was meant to pave the way for the larger proliferation of laptops and other hardware that would be fielded in fiscal 2025 and fiscal 2026, Lomangino said. But the ongoing continuing resolution funding the government has hindered the effort, as the measure doesn’t allow the Corps to start new programs nor increase spending on existing programs.

The three officials declined to talk about planned or actual spending for Project Tripoli, due to ongoing budget uncertainty.

However, Lomangino said that by divesting of single-task trainers and replacing them with commercial and government off-the-shelf technology that already exists, the Corps is able to go from “a limited LVC capability to an enterprise-level LVC capability without having to go through massive, extreme expenditures.”

Brown said the effort would certainly lead to cost savings in the future because the service won’t have to maintain massive buildings that house large trainers, and it will be cheaper to upgrade laptops rather than replace entire trainers that become obsolete.

But, he added, those savings are a secondary or tertiary benefit.

“The application of virtual [and] constructive alongside the live is meant to produce a better trained Marine and a more combat-ready organization. You can equate it to a pitcher in the bullpen warming up before stepping onto the mound,” Brown said.

“The reason we’re doing this is Force Design, and Force Design needs this to be successful. And I don’t want to overhype it, but the concepts and the formations and the capabilities — if they don’t have a trained Marine with their hands on those and executing those, Force Design would fail.”